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The Twilight of Feudalism
When the fleurs-de-lis of the Bourbons fluttered
down from the ramparts of Quebec on September 18, 1759, a new era in
the history of Canadian feudalism began. The new British government
promptly allayed the fears of the conquered people by promising that
all vested rights should be respected and that 'the lords of manors'
should continue in possession of all their ancient privileges. This
meant that they intended to recognize and retain the entire fabric
of seigneurial tenure.
Now this step has been commonly regarded as a cardinal error on the
part of the new suzerains, and on the whole the critics of British
policy have had the testimony of succeeding events on their side. By
1760 the seigneurial system had fully performed for the colony all
the good service it was ever likely to perform. It could easily have
been abolished then and there. Had that action been taken, a great
many subsequent troubles would have been avoided. But in their
desire to be generous the English authorities failed to do what was
prudent, and the seigneurial system remained.
Many of the seigneurs, when Canada passed under British control,
sold their seigneuries and went home to France. How great this
hegira was can scarcely be estimated with exactness, but it is
certain that the emigres included all the military and most of the
civil officials, together with a great many merchants, traders, and
landowners. The colony lost those who could best afford to go; in
other words, those whom it could least afford to let go. The
priests, true to their traditions, stood by the colony in its hours
of trial. But whatever the extent and character of the out-going, it
is true that many seigneuries changed hands during the years
1763-64. Englishmen bought these lands at very low figures. Between
them and the habitants there were no bonds of race, religion,
language, or social sympathy. The new English seigneur looked upon
his estate as an investment, and proceeded to deal with the
habitants as though they were his tenantry. All this gave the
seigneurial system a rude shock.
There was still another feature which caused the system to work much
less smoothly after 1760 than before. The English did not retain the
office of intendant. Their frame of government had no place for such
an official. Yet the intendant had been the balance-wheel of the
whole feudal machine in the days before the conquest. He it was who
kept the seigneurial system from developing abuses; it was his
praetorian power 'to order all things as may seem just and proper'
that kept the seigneur's exactions within rigid bounds. The
administration of New France was a government of men; that of the
new regime was a government of laws. Hence it was that the British
officials, although altogether well-intentioned, allowed grave
wrongs to arise.
The new English judges, not unnaturally, misunderstood the
seigneurial system. They stumbled readily into the error that tenure
en censive was simply the old English tenure in copyhold under
another name. Now the English copyholder held his land subject to
the customs of the manor; his dues and services were fixed by local
custom both as regards their nature and amount. What more easy,
then, than to seek the local custom in Canada, and apply its rules
to the decision of all controversies respecting seigneurial claims?
Unfortunately for this simple solution, there was a great and
fundamental difference between these two tenures. The Canadian
censitaire had a written title-deed which stated explicitly the dues
and services he was bound to give his seigneur; the copyholder had
nothing of the kind. The habitant, moreover, had various rights
guaranteed to him by royal decrees. No custom of the manor or
seigneury could prevail against written contracts and statute-law.
But the judges do not seem to have grasped this distinction; when
cases involving disputed obligations came before them they called in
notaries to establish what the local customs were, and rendered
judgment accordingly. This gave the seigneur a great advantage, for
the notaries usually took their side. Moreover, the new judicial
system was more expensive than the old, so that when a seigneur
chose to take his claims into court the habitants often let him have
judgment by default rather than incur heavy costs.
During the twenty years following the conquest the externals of the
seigneurial system remained unaltered; but its spirit underwent a
great change. This was amply shown during the American War of
Independence, when the province was invaded by the Arnold-Montgomery
expeditions. In all the years that the colony had been under French
dominion a single word from any seigneur was enough to summon every
one of his able-bodied habitants to arms. But now, only a dozen
years after the English had assumed control, the answer made by the
habitant to such appeals was of a very different nature. The
authorities at Quebec, having only a small body of regular troops
available for the defense of Canada against the invaders, called on
the seigneurs to rally the old feudal array. The proclamation was
issued on June 9, 1775. Most seigneurs responded promptly and called
their habitants to armed service. But the latter, for the most part,
refused to come. The seigneurs threatened that their lands would be
confiscated; but even this did not move the habitants to comply. A
writer of the time narrates what happened in one of the seigneuries,
and it is doubtless typical of what took place in others. 'M.
Deschambaud went over to his seigneury on the Richelieu,' he tells
us, 'and summoned his tenants to arms; they listened patiently to
what he had to say, and then peremptorily refused to accede to his
demands. At this the seigneur was foolish enough to draw his sword;
whereupon the habitants gave both him and a few friends who
accompanied him a severe thrashing, and sent them off vowing
vengeance. Fearing retaliation, the habitants armed themselves, and
to the number of several hundred prepared to attack any regular
forces which might be sent against them. Through the discretion of
Governor Carleton, however, who hastened to send one of his officers
to disavow the action of the seigneur, and to promise the habitants
that if they returned quietly to their homes they would not be
molested, they were persuaded to disperse.'1
As the eighteenth century drew to a close it became evident that the
people were getting restive under the restraints which the
seigneurial system imposed. Lands had risen in value so that the
lods et ventes now amounted to a considerable payment when lands
changed owners. With the growth of population the banal right became
very valuable to the seigneurs and an equally great inconvenience to
the habitants. Many seigneurs made no attempt to provide adequate
milling facilities. They gave the habitants a choice between
bringing their grain to the half-broken-down windmill of the
seigneury or paying the seigneur a money fine for his permission to
take their grist elsewhere. New seigneurial demands, unheard of in
earlier days, were often put forth and enforced.
The grievances of the habitants were not mitigated, moreover, by the
way in which the authorities of the province gave lands to the
United Empire Loyalists. These exiles from the revolted seaboard
colonies came by thousands during the years following the war, and
they were given generous grants of land. And these lands were not
made subject to any seigneurial dues. They were given in freehold,
in free and common socage. The new owners of these lands paid no
annual dues and rendered no regular services to any superior
authority. Their tenure seemed to the habitants to be very
attractive. Hence the influx of the Loyalists gave strength to a
movement for the abolition of seigneurial tenure--a movement which
may be said to have had its first real beginning about 1790.
It was in that year that the solicitor-general of the province, in
response to a request of the legislative council, presented a long
report on the land-tenure situation. The council, after due
consideration of this report and other data submitted to it, passed
a series of resolutions declaring that the seigneurial system was
retarding the agricultural progress of the province and that, while
its immediate abolition was not practicable, steps should be taken
to get rid of it gradually. But nothing came of these resolutions.
The Constitutional Act of 1791 greatly complicated the situation by
its provisions relating to the so-termed 'clergy reserves,' or
reservations of lands for Church endowment, and it was not until
1825 that the Canada Trade and Tenures Act opened the way for a
commutation of tenures whenever the seigneur and his habitants could
agree. This act was permissive only. It did not apply any compulsion
to the seigneurs. Very few, accordingly, took advantage of its
provisions.
This was the situation when the uprising of 1837-38 took place. The
seigneurial system was not a leading cause of the rebellion, but it
was one of the grievances included by the habitants in their general
bill of complaint. Hence, when Lord Durham came to Quebec to
investigate the causes of colonial discontent, the system came in
for its share of study. In his masterly Report on the Affairs of
British North America he recognized that the old system had outlived
its day of usefulness, and that its continuance was unwise. But
Durham outlined no plan for its abolition. He believed that if the
province were given a government responsible to the masses of its
own people, the problem of abolition would soon be solved. One of
Durham's secretaries, Charles Buller drafted a scheme for commuting
the tenures into freehold, but his plan did not find acceptance.
For nearly twenty years after Durham's investigation the question of
abolishing the seigneurial tenures remained a football of Canadian
politics. Legislative commissions were appointed; they made
investigations; they presented reports; but none succeeded in
getting any comprehensive plan of abolition on the statute-books. In
1854, however, the question was made a leading issue at the general
election. A definite mandate from the people was the result, and 'An
Act for the Abolition of Feudal Rights and Duties in Lower Canada'
received its enactment during the same year.
The provisions of this act for changing all seigneurial tenures into
freehold are long and somewhat technical. They would not interest
the reader. In brief, it was arranged that the valid rights of each
seigneur should be translated by special commissioners into an
annual money rental, and that the habitants should pay this annual
sum. The seigneur was required to pay no quit-rent to the public
treasury. What he would have paid, by reason of getting his own
lands into freehold, was applied pro rata to the reduction of the
annual rentals payable by the habitants. It was arranged,
furthermore, that any habitant might commute this yearly rental by
paying his seigneur a lump sum such as would represent his rent
capitalized at the rate of six per cent.
The whole undertaking was difficult and complicated. A great many
perplexing questions arose, and a special court had to be created to
deal with them. [Footnote: This court was constituted of four judges
of the Court of the Queen's Bench and nine judges of the Superior
Court of Lower Canada, as follows: Sir Louis H. La Fontaine, Chief
Justice; Justices Duval, Aylwin, and Caron of the Court of the
Queen's Bench; the Hon. Edward Bowen, Chief Justice; Justices Morin,
Mondelet, Vanfelson, Day, Smith, Meredith, Short, and Badgley of the
Superior Court.] On the whole however, the commissioners performed
their tasks carefully and without causing undue friction. Class
prejudice was strong, and by most of the seigneurs the whole scheme
was regarded as a high-handed piece of legislative confiscation.
They opposed it bitterly from first to last. Among the habitants,
however, the abolition of the old tenure was popular, for it meant,
in their opinion, that every one would henceforth be a real
landowner. But in the long run it signified nothing of the sort.
Very few of the habitants took advantage of the provision which
enabled them to pay a lump sum in lieu of an annual rental. Down to
the present day the great majority of them continue to pay their
rente constituee as did their fathers before them. With due
adherence to ancient custom they pay it each St Martin's Day, and to
the man whom they still call 'the seigneur.' Seigneur he is no
longer; for the act of 1854 abolished not only the emoluments, but
the honors attaching to this rank. But traditions live long in
isolated communities, and the habitants of the St Lawrence valley
still give, along with their annual rent, a great deal of old-time
deference to the man who holds the lands upon which they live.
The twilight of European feudalism was more prolonged in French
Canada than in any other land. Its prolongation was unfortunate. For
several decades preceding 1854 it had failed to adjust itself to the
new environment, and its continuance was an obstacle to the economic
progress of Canada. Its abolition was wise--a generation or two
earlier it would have been even wiser. All this is not to say,
however, that the seigneurial system did not serve a highly useful
purpose in its day. So long as it fitted into the needs of the
colony, so long as the intendancy remained to guard the people
against seigneurial avarice, the system had a great deal to be said
in its behalf. It helped to make New France stronger in arms than
she could have become under any other plan of land tenure; and with
states as with men self-preservation is the first law of nature.
1 Maseres, Additional Papers
concerning the Province of Quebec (1776), pp. 71 et seq.
This site includes some historical materials that
may imply negative stereotypes reflecting the culture or language of
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Chronicles of Canada, The Seigneurs of Old
Canada, A Chronicle of New World Feudalism, 1915
Chronicles of Canada |